About The American Whig Review:

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• |231| is the page number 231 in the original
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• *|236| is note * on page 236 in the original

|1| OUR POSITION—INTRODUCTORY.

With the present number commences a second volume of the American Review. We embrace the occasion, to speak briefly of our position and prospects. If it is not due to any character which the Magazine has acquired for itself, it is at least due to the cordial interest of those who have aided it in reaching the point it occupies. It is, moreover, necessary that it be at once fully understood, and beyond the possibility of mistake, what were at first, and what must be, with any hope of success, the aims and efforts proposed in its establishment.

The great practical object of this work has always been, that it should be, in the fullest sense, National. It was very clearly seen from the beginning, that on no narrower platform, could it be of the greatest effectual and abiding benefit to the country. And this was to be a nationality, not of mere numerical force, of extended, equal, and permanent circulation, but of universal acceptability and influence. It was not only to go into every part of the Union, but to be received in every part, as a reliable expositor—in politics, in literature, in morals, in social science—of all the great and true interests of the commonwealth, the organ, for the nation, of a just conservative progress. It was evident, indeed, that the former of these great results could not be effected without the latter ; the Review could never attain both an extended and permanent circulation, without rendering itself universally acceptable and influential. | It is from a want of attention to this plain necessity in the case, that every journal of importance, ever started in this country, has fallen in the way—failing, of course, to be generally received, equally as it failed of adapting itself for such reception. So simple a matter of history was not to be disregarded—even if the national influence of the work were not the main consideration, but merly [sic] an extended patronage.

This important object being distinctly before us, several particular positions were evidently to be avoided.

In the first place, wherever located and conducted, the work must be kept very free from all sectional doctrines, and sectional prejudices, that could not be reasonably entertained in other portions of the country. Every one interested in its establishment felt the necessity of this ; the point was fully discussed with, and by experienced and influential men from different parts of the Union, and distinguished persons, representing all sections in the national councils, united their names on the original prospectus, partly for the express purpose of guaranteeing to the community the maintenance of such a course. This course, accordingly, has been kept steadily in view, and is never to be lost sight of.

A second position, as plainly to be avoided, was that of a sectarian bias. Every one perceives at once the strong necessity, in this country, of keeping such an organ well aloof from such a position. The other great interests—of |2| practical government, political morality, true social progress,—literature, science, art,—forbid the introduction of an element which could only breed incessant and ruinous dissension. When, however, this journal fails to support, with whatever power it may possess, the foundations, and pillars and outposts, of that greatest of all elements at once of conservatism and progress—Christianity—it will be time for it to be abandoned of all men as an instrument of danger to the country.

A third position, which, as a political organ, designed to support the broad principles of a portion of the entire community, we were especially to shun, was that of assuming ground in any partisan or personal divisions that might unfortunately arise. The Whig Party is a National party. All its principles, its measures, its tone of feeling, are national. Unlike its opponent, it has nothing to say in one part of the country, which it dares not, and does not, say in any other. It avoids, therefore, not only the sectional and sectarian elements spoken of above, but all the jealousies of favoritism, and the attempts of unprincipled place-hunters—men often without business, without property, without public confidence—seeking to rake together a little political notoriety by creating party dissension. There are enough such troublers of the public—both private writers and conductors of the press—irresponsible persons, accustomed to defend their evil interference on the ground of personal responsibility. They have their reward. But the American Review was established for other objects. It was considered—by ourselves, and by leaders of public opinion in every State of the | Union—that one of the chief of these was to harmonize and unite, since without harmony in a party—or at least a wise forbearance—there can be no union, and without union, no possible strength or prosperity. There is always enough, moreover, to be said on great national topics—practical and general principles, important measures of government and the wisdom that should inform the times—without descending to such materials.^*|2|

To maintain the Review in this course –a national work established for the good of the nation—keeping at a distance from its pages all political adventurers, will be our endeavor so long as we stand connected with it ; and we believe we shall not fail to receive in this effort the general approbation of our supporters. For the just and honorable motives with which the work was begun, for its unwavering maintenance, unaided, notwithstanding the defeat of the best hopes of the country and the temporary disheartening of our well-wishers, and for the equal course—if nothing better—in which it has persevered up to this time, we have nothing more to ask, than that those who read its pages, shall be willing to let its future character decide the question of its final support.

It may be added, in view of the volume begun, that more extended arrangements have been made, by which both political and literary matter of a high order will be regularly furnished to the Review. The political articles, also, will be more frequent, as well as from the ablest pens. Several of the most important national subjects have been advisedly deferred for consideration at the most important time.